Republican Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene broke ranks with President Donald Trump over the weekend to criticise his decision to bomb Iranian nuclear facilities, underscoring a growing divide within the Republican Party and the wider MAGA movement over US military involvement in the Middle East.
“There would not be bombs falling on the people of Israel if Netanyahu had not dropped bombs on the people of Iran first. Israel is a nuclear armed nation. This is not our fight. Peace is the answer,” Greene wrote on X Saturday night, just hours after Trump announced the strikes in a televised speech.
Her comments added fuel to the simmering split inside the Republican Party between traditional national security hawks and a vocal, non-interventionist faction rooted in Trump’s own “America First” ideology.
While many prominent MAGA figures quickly rallied behind the president’s decision, others — including lawmakers like Greene and Kentucky Rep. Thomas Massie — expressed serious concerns.
Massie, joining with Democrat Ro Khanna, questioned the legality of the strike, insisting there was “no imminent threat” and that Congress had not authorized military action.
The rift comes as the GOP continues to navigate its identity under Trump’s renewed leadership. As a candidate and during his first term, Trump had frequently denounced America’s “forever wars” and promised to scale back military entanglements.
Now, as president again, his decision to target Iranian nuclear sites has alarmed some of the very voices who once backed his foreign policy doctrine.
“This move contradicts the anti-war stance that brought Trump to prominence in 2016,” said one conservative media analyst, noting growing backlash from Trump-aligned influencers like Steve Bannon and Tucker Carlson, who have both raised alarms about creeping escalation in the region.
Despite the internal friction, the Trump administration has maintained it acted within legal bounds.
A senior Justice Department official said the president relied on his Article II powers under the Constitution — which grant broad authority to use military force — and referenced past memos from the Office of Legal Counsel that justify limited strikes without congressional approval.
“Bombing three nuclear sites in the interest of national security does not constitute an act of war,” the official argued, adding that if the conflict expands or drags on, the administration may seek formal authorization from Congress.
Attorney General Pam Bondi is expected to face tough questions on the legality of the strike when she testifies before the House on Monday.
She is likely to reiterate the administration’s position that the strikes were justified and constitutional.
The rollout of the strikes also sparked criticism from Democrats, who said they were largely kept in the dark until after the operation began.
Congressional leaders were notified in advance — but not equally. House Speaker Mike Johnson and Senate Majority Leader John Thune were briefed before the strikes, while Democratic leaders received limited notice.
Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer was reportedly called less than an hour before the bombing, without being told which country was being targeted. House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries was not briefed until afterward.
White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt later defended the outreach, claiming “bipartisan courtesy calls” were made and that Schumer had been informed.
“Jeffries could not be reached until after, but he was briefed,” she said on X.
For now, the United States appears to be in a holding pattern, with no immediate follow-up strikes announced. But the political fallout is just beginning.
The MAGA movement, once unified in its opposition to U.S. wars abroad, now finds itself at a crossroads — caught between loyalty to its leader and the foundational ideals that helped him rise to power.